S1/E63: Collective Leadership in the Face of Internal and External Threats?
Release Date: 02/04/2025
Iran's Gambit
There are increasing indications of strategic frustration within the Iranian leadership regarding the trajectory of negotiations with the United States. Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei has intensified his rhetorical posture against President Donald J. Trump, now openly articulating a policy objective of terminating U.S. presence and influence in the Middle East. Parallel signals are evident in the discourse of Foreign Minister Dr. Abbas Araghchi, who, for the first time, publicly rebuked U.S. Special Envoy for Middle East Affairs, Mr. Steven Witkoff. Mr. Witkoff, whose messaging has...
info_outlineIran's Gambit
As Iran prepares for the fifth round of nuclear talks with the United States, the regime in Tehran underscores a strategy combining deterrence and diplomacy. Foreign Minister Dr. Abbas Araghchi’s latest remarks affirm Iran’s readiness for transparency in exchange for sanctions relief, while rejecting any compromise on sovereign rights, such as enrichment of uranium on Iranian soil. Dr. Araghchi also appears to be reaching out to U.S. businesses, in an attempt to mobilize support in the U.S. for continued negotiations and a potential agreement.
info_outlineIran's Gambit
Much like President Donald J. Trump’s dual-track rhetoric toward Iran—alternating between coercive threats and inducements such as the prospect of sanctions relief—the Islamic Republic has likewise adopted a strategy of strategic ambiguity. Tehran is concurrently projecting a willingness to engage in diplomacy over its nuclear program, while simultaneously issuing deterrent threats to disrupt maritime oil shipments in the Persian Gulf in the event of U.S. military escalation.
info_outlineIran's Gambit
In response to President Donald J. Trump’s conciliatory overtures, Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei invokes the historical precedent of Imam Hassan’s treaty with Muawiya (subject of one of Khamenei's books), signaling a potential strategic recalibration. Concurrently, media outlets affiliated with the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) launch a coordinated campaign against a televised political satire that ridicules the Saudi Foreign Minister. Meanwhile, Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi, while for the first time acknowledging “fundamental divergences at the level of...
info_outlineIran's Gambit
Assessing the initial and subsequent rounds of bilateral negotiations with the United States, Iranian officials have expressed surprise at the rapid pace of diplomatic engagement. This acceleration is primarily ascribed to the limited scope of U.S. demands, the relative inexperience or subject-matter unfamiliarity of American negotiators, a pronounced strategic urgency to secure an agreement, and the personalized and unconventional diplomatic style characteristic of President Donald J. Trump. Nonetheless, the trajectory toward a comprehensive accord remains encumbered by persistent structural...
info_outlineIran's Gambit
info_outlineIran's Gambit
info_outlineIran's Gambit
Foreign Minister Dr. Abbas Araghchi has asserted that U.S. interlocutors have refrained from introducing extraneous, non-nuclear issues during the most recent round of negotiations. He confirmed that technical-level discussions would resume in Muscat on Wednesday, April 23, and that he would reconvene with U.S. Special Envoy Mr. Steven Witkoff on Saturday, April 26, to evaluate progress. This indicates Mr. Witkoff's April 15, on X, stating: "Iran must stop and eliminate its nuclear enrichment" was not expressed as a U.S. demand in the course of the negotiations.
info_outlineIran's Gambit
Receiving the Saudi Defense Minister in Tehran, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei chose a condescending attitude in dealing with the younger brother of the Crown Prince of Saudi Arabia, but the fact that he received him undermines policy recommendation of Iranian strategist Dr. Mehdi Kharatian, who argues Iran can improve its negotiation position vis a vis the United States by attacking Saudi interest. In the meantime, Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi downplays the significance of the change in U.S. Middle East Envoy Steven Witkoff’s ever-changing positions as expressed on television and social media.
info_outlineIran's Gambit
Iranian Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei states he is “neither excessively optimistic, nor excessively pessimistic” regarding Iran’s bilateral diplomatic engagement with the United States—an appropriate stance, given the latest recalibration in U.S. Special Envoy for the Middle East Steven Witkoff’s position on Iran’s uranium enrichment capacity. While Iranian media appear condemn the change in Witkoff’s position, Deputy Foreign Minister and member of the negotiation team Kazem Gharibabadi delivered a more careful assessment indicating Iran is more interested in what...
info_outlineThe Islamic Republic operated under a system of collective leadership throughout the 1980s. At the time, this governance structure remained largely unrecognized by external observers, but those with insight into Iran’s political dynamics understood that supreme authority did not rest solely with Grand Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini. Instead, the Islamic Republic’s decision-making and policy implementation were effectively managed by a quadrumvirate comprising key institutional figures: the head of the legislative branch, Parliamentary Speaker Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani; the head of the executive branch, President Ali Khamenei; and the head of the judiciary, Mr. Abdol-Karim Mousavi Ardabili. The fourth figure in this arrangement was Mr. Ahmad Khomeini, son of the Grand Ayatollah, who wielded significant procedural power by controlling access to his father’s seal, thereby formalizing state decrees in his father’s name. This oligarchic configuration not only ensured the continuity of state functions but also reinforced regime legitimacy and facilitated the enforcement of policy decisions.
I perceive that the Islamic Republic is once again reverting to a form of collective leadership. While Ayatollah Ali Khamenei may not be physically incapacitated, he appears increasingly insulated from both internal political realities and the broader geopolitical landscape. The heads of the three branches of government, cognizant of Khamenei’s evolving role, seem to be consolidating authority in response to both domestic instability and external strategic pressures. This emergent political arrangement suggests a recalibration of power within the regime, potentially signaling a return to coordinated elite decision-making as a mechanism for regime preservation. Should the Revolutionary Guard cooperate with the heads of three branches of the government, they regime may significantly improve its chances of survival. However, should Ayatollah Khamenei, feel left out by the president, the parliamentary speaker and the judiciary chief, he may use the Revolutionary Guard to counter balance the civilians and thereby undermine the regime.